A Good Fight
By Peter Beinart
Washington Post
The tone of the Obama-Clinton race has pundits worried. "The concern is this bitter campaign could end up hurting whoever the nominee is," CNN's Jack Cafferty warned last week. The contest, Peggy Noonan wrote in the Wall Street Journal, is "tearing the party apart." On MSNBC, Newsweek's Howard Fineman dubbed it a "civil war."
Huh? For starters, the contest between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama isn't all that nasty. To be sure, it has had its low moments: Clinton surrogates raising Obama's past drug use, for instance. But by recent historical standards, it's nothing out of the ordinary. In 1992, Jerry Brown accused Bill Clinton of funneling business to Hillary's law firm. In 2000, supporters of President Bush accused rivals of spreading rumors that he had used cocaine. That same year, Al Gore insinuated that Bill Bradley's health-care plan was racist, and Bradley bashed Gore for holding a fundraiser at a Buddhist temple. For better or worse, this is what American presidential politics is like.
What's more, bitter primary contests don't necessarily hurt candidates in the general election. In a 1998 study, the University of New Mexico's Lonna Rae Atkeson found that when you control for other factors, divisive presidential primaries have a "marginal or even nonexistent effect in understanding general election outcomes." To be sure, when an incumbent president faces a tough primary challenge, it's usually a sign that he's in trouble. Think of Gerald Ford in 1976, Jimmy Carter in 1980 or George H.W. Bush in 1992. But it's important to distinguish cause from effect. Ford, Carter and Bush were all politically weak, which is why they ultimately lost. Their primary challengers didn't cause that weakness; the weakness caused those challengers to run.
But when there's no incumbent, a tough primary challenge doesn't tell you anything about a candidate's chances in November. Yes, nasty contests can leave the losers' supporters embittered and less likely to turn out in the general election. (They can also expose vulnerabilities that are later exploited by the other side.) But heated primary battles also mobilize voters, some of whom stay mobilized even if their party nominates someone else. Many of the people who got involved in Democratic politics because of Howard Dean in 2004, for instance, worked to elect John Kerry in the fall.
(Continued here.)
Washington Post
The tone of the Obama-Clinton race has pundits worried. "The concern is this bitter campaign could end up hurting whoever the nominee is," CNN's Jack Cafferty warned last week. The contest, Peggy Noonan wrote in the Wall Street Journal, is "tearing the party apart." On MSNBC, Newsweek's Howard Fineman dubbed it a "civil war."
Huh? For starters, the contest between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama isn't all that nasty. To be sure, it has had its low moments: Clinton surrogates raising Obama's past drug use, for instance. But by recent historical standards, it's nothing out of the ordinary. In 1992, Jerry Brown accused Bill Clinton of funneling business to Hillary's law firm. In 2000, supporters of President Bush accused rivals of spreading rumors that he had used cocaine. That same year, Al Gore insinuated that Bill Bradley's health-care plan was racist, and Bradley bashed Gore for holding a fundraiser at a Buddhist temple. For better or worse, this is what American presidential politics is like.
What's more, bitter primary contests don't necessarily hurt candidates in the general election. In a 1998 study, the University of New Mexico's Lonna Rae Atkeson found that when you control for other factors, divisive presidential primaries have a "marginal or even nonexistent effect in understanding general election outcomes." To be sure, when an incumbent president faces a tough primary challenge, it's usually a sign that he's in trouble. Think of Gerald Ford in 1976, Jimmy Carter in 1980 or George H.W. Bush in 1992. But it's important to distinguish cause from effect. Ford, Carter and Bush were all politically weak, which is why they ultimately lost. Their primary challengers didn't cause that weakness; the weakness caused those challengers to run.
But when there's no incumbent, a tough primary challenge doesn't tell you anything about a candidate's chances in November. Yes, nasty contests can leave the losers' supporters embittered and less likely to turn out in the general election. (They can also expose vulnerabilities that are later exploited by the other side.) But heated primary battles also mobilize voters, some of whom stay mobilized even if their party nominates someone else. Many of the people who got involved in Democratic politics because of Howard Dean in 2004, for instance, worked to elect John Kerry in the fall.
(Continued here.)
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